Over the last few decades, concern and outrage over the prevalence, magnitude
and impact of violence against women has grown to the point that any form of
crime against women is now recognized as a global human rights problem that
requires a comprehensive and coordinated response from civil society, the states
and the international community.
The 1990s saw the development of at least five
major international declarations and platforms for action that specifically
addressed this issue. Two of these, the Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence against Women (1993) and Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of
Violence against Women (1994) were developed explicitly to guarantee women’s
rights to life and violence free lives.[1]
At common law, the elements of rape consisted of carnal knowledge,
force and the commission of the act against the victim's will or without her
consent. In the present day, these elements still exist in many modem rape
statutes in various commonwealth nations. In particular, three commonwealth
countries, England, Australia and India still retain some form of the
traditional definition of rape. Sexual intercourse in these statutes is defined
solely as penile penetration of the vagina. Although Australia's definition of
rape uses the common law words carnal knowledge, it is apparent from case law
that this vague term embodies only vaginal sexual intercourse.[2]
In the late 1960s, the rape debate was launched in the United States
of America. It has since spread to every nation in the Western, industrialised
world. In each place the law of rape and the handling by the criminal justice
system of rape complaints has been subjected to scrutiny. Generally, both have
been found wanting. However, one country which has been successful in broadening
the definition of tape is the United States. The federal law has been changed to
include all forms of sexual intercourse with any person. On the state level,
Michigan has abolished the word "rape" and replaced it with a sex neutral
gradation scheme comprising four central features. This gradation scheme has a
ladder of offences labelled as criminal sexual conduct (CSC).[3]
There are a number of interconnecting problems which rape currently
presents for the criminal justice system. First, there is the victim, doubly
traumatized by the event itself and its subsequent handling by police and
courts. Secondly, and in part consequentially, there is the low reporting rate.
Thirdly, there are the rapists, prosecuted infrequently and convicted rarely.
Finally, there is the law of rape and the evidential rules which surround it.
Here, the discussion on the law angle:
Rape laws have presented a series of problems for the criminal
justice system. First, in many respects, their ambit has been very narrow. This
has been a factor in low prosecution and conviction rates. In Michigan, for
example, to prove rape it was formerly necessary to show that force was used by
the defendant and that the victim did not consent. To establish non-consent, the
victim was required to have resisted 'to the utmost' from 'the inception to the
close' of the attack. In England, as in many other jurisdictions, rape covers
only penile penetration of the vagina. The objection raised here is that other
sexual assaults, often considerably worse in character, are relegated to less
important offence categories.
Moreover, by confining the offence to women who
are not married to the perpetrator, rape laws are discriminatory and deny equal
protection to a class of persons on account of their status.[4]
Use of the term rape accounts in part for the narrow scope of the
offence, moreover, the word evokes images and associations which are not
altogether helpful in a modern context. For rape, as the dictionary states, is a
taking or carrying off by force, the ravishment or violation of a woman or of a
country. Arguably today, the law should seek to protect the right of every woman
to choose whether to have sexual intercourse or not and its language should
reflect this objective.
It is, of course, true that the legal definition of rape in England is sexual
intercourse without consent, which, on the face of it, seems rather
broad. Certainly it is an improvement on the position which prevailed until the
nineteenth century when rape constituted an act against a woman's will so that
violence or the threat of fear of it was required. The question of consent is
also an important one. It might be said that a crucial problem in the law of
rape is precisely that it focuses unswervingly upon the non-consent of the
complainant.[5]
Did she consent or did she not? That is the question. It is she who is the
object of attention. The prosecution must prove beyond all reasonable doubt that
she did not consent and the defence will be irresistibly tempted to raise that
doubt by suggesting that she is the type of woman who might well have done. In
England, moreover, the judge is obliged to administer the corroboration warning.
He must warn the jury that it is dangerous to convict on the basis of the
complainant's evidence unless it is corroborated.[6]
There is nothing inevitable in this legal arrangement. Sexual intercourse
without consent can be shifted from centre stage towards the wings even if it
can never be removed from the set altogether. For other nefarious conduct will
generally accompany the act of non-consensual sex. There may, for example, be
violence, a variety of threats, the presence of participation of a gang, or a
commission of another offence such as burglary immediately before hand. There is
no reason why the spotlight should not, in the first place, be directed at the
defendant and at acts such as these. Moreover, rather than letting the officials
of the criminal justice system interpret rape as they choose, there is much to
be said for spelling out in precise terms the circumstances in which a sexual
offence is committed.[7]
There may also be a case for a scale of penalties for rape rather than a single
maximum of life imprisonment. Under the present system, most defendants plead
not guilty to rape and indeed, given the high penalty and the low prospects of
conviction, they would be foolish to do otherwise. The advantage of a scale is
that it permits a defendant to decide where he fits on it and to plead guilty if
he so chooses. In most states of United States, legislation has been passed to
amend the legal framework relating to rape. In some states, radical change has
been introduced. In Canada and Australia, law reform in this area is advancing
apace. In England, whilst certain amendments have been implemented, relatively
little has been achieved and little more is on the agenda.[8]
Rape and the Criminal Justice System in Some Countries is discussed
as under:
U.S.A.
In the early 1970s, the women's movement in the United States succeeded in
bringing the issue of rape to the attention of the nation. During the same
decade, rape crisis centres sprang up throughout the country and the Federal
Government manifested its concern by making available between 1973 and 1981 an
estimated $ 125 million for research into sexual assault.
The Michigan legislation was not enacted in response to the proposals of an
official law reform committee, neither was it introduced by the state
government.
On the contrary, it was very much the product of a grass-roots
initiative resulting from dissatisfaction felt by many women working in rape
crisis centres at the criminal justice system's treatment of rape victims.
The reform lead to the Criminal Sexual Conduct Act, it has four
central features. First, instead of rape, it creates a ladder of offences, each
of which is described as criminal sexual conduct. The first degree offence
carries a maximum penalty of life imprisonment, with 15 years maximum for the
second and third degree offences, and two years for the fourth degree offence.
Each degree covers a range of sexual assaults, so that, for example, the first
degree covers any act of sexual penetration. The four degrees are differentiated
according to the amount of coercion used, whether or not penetration has taken
place, the extent of physical injury inflicted and the age and incapacitation of
the victim. The law describes with great particularity precisely the conduct
which is covered by each degree. In this way it is hoped to encourage
prosecutors to prosecute and defendants who are guilty to plead guilty.
The new Act also dispenses with the need for the prosecution to
establish the victim's resistance. The offences of criminal sexual conduct focus
entirely on the conduct of the defendant and do not specifically include a
non-consent requirement. On the other hand, the Act cannot in all circumstances
prevent the defence from seeking to allege that the victim consented,
particularly where no weapons were used and where little or no injury was
sustained.
The third important feature of the Michigan legislation is its
strict regulation of sexual history evidence, which is totally prohibited save
in two exceptional circumstances. These are where past sexual conduct was with
the defendant himself and where the evidence relates to the source or origin of
semen, pregnancy or disease.[9]
Finally, the criminal sexual conduct may be committed by one spouse
against another provided that they are living apart and one partner has filed
for separate maintenance or divorce. It is gender-neutral, so that women may
perpetuate it and men may be the victims.
It is believed that this new law has not eradicated all the problems
which face the criminal justice system in dealing with sexual assault. However,
its most solid achievement is to produce a clear increase in the number of
arrests and convictions for conduct of this kind. It has also improved the
treatment of victims within the legal process.
Canada:
In Canada, the legislation passed in 1982 was federal not
provincial, but women, once again, played a powerful role in securing it.[10] At
the time when women were gaining a foothold in the federal institutions of the
government, developments were taking place at other levels, particularly in
relation to the issue of violence against women. Largely influenced by
initiatives taken in the United States and England, rape crisis centres began to
appear.
It was finally at the end of the 1970s that activity at a number of
levels on the issue of violence against women was to accelerate and
coalesce.[11] Of particular significance was a publication of a book by Lorenne
Clark and Debra Lewis in 1977 which was described as a 'break-through',
providing 'the first solid data on rape in Canada'. The book was immediately
influential.
In 1978, the Law Reform Commission of Canada published its Working
Paper on Sexual Offences. The Commission recognised that the substantive law of
rape is not to be considered in a vacuum but in the context of its operation in
the criminal justice system as well as in society at large.
Most significant of
all, however, is its central proposition that:
Rape is actually a form of assault and should therefore perhaps be treated as
such under the law. The concept of sexual assault more appropriately
characterizes the actual nature of the offence of rape because the primary focus
is on the assault or the violation of the integrity of the person rather than
the sexual intercourse.
This statement was compared with what Clark and Lewis (1977)[12] had to say in
their book, published the previous year. They state:
We are saying that our rape laws should reflect the perspective of women- the
victims of rape. They experience rape as an assault, as a unprovoked attack on
their physical person and as a transgression of their assumed right to the
exclusive ownership and control of their own bodies.
This act is experienced by
the rape victim as a denial of her physical autonomy. This follows from her
belief that she is a fully human person and entitled to all the protections
given to persons under the law. Since she knows that the right to exclusive
control over one’s own body and to freedom from unprovoked physical interference
by others is two of the fundamental rights guaranteed to persons under the law,
she quite justifiably expects redress when she is raped.
The Law Reform Commission was able to see the repetition. It singled
out 'the protection of the integrity of the person' as a central policy issue.
It spoke of 'the right to be free from unwanted infringement of one's bodily
integrity' and 'the right to be free from physical assault'. It was in this
context that its proposal to abolish rape and introduce a new offence of sexual
assault was made.[13]
In November 1978, the Law Reform Commission of Canada produced its
final report on Sexual Offences. This too recommended the abolition of the
offence of rape and its substitution by two new offences, described as 'sexual
interference' and 'sexual aggression'. The Canadian reform of 1982 bears a
certain resemblance to the Michigan legislation looked at previously, although
it is weaker in certain respects and stronger in others.
The crime of rape no
longer exists in Canada. Instead, a gradation scheme had been introduced which
creates three offences of sexual assault covering rape and certain allied
crimes. The three grades are distinguished purely in terms of the level of
violence involved and no distinction is drawn between penetration and other
sexual acts. Simple sexual assault carries a maximum of ten years' imprisonment
but may, at the prosecutor’s discretion, be tried summarily, in which case a
maximum penalty is six months' imprisonment or a fine of not more than$ 500.
Next on the ladder is an offence carrying a maximum of 14 years' imprisonment,
which applies where the defendant, in committing a sexual assault, carries, uses
or threatens to use a real or imitation weapon or threatens to cause bodily harm
to a person other than the complainant or is a party to the offence with any
other person. Finally comes aggravated sexual assault, which is the most serious
offence of the three and carries a maximum of life imprisonment. This offence is
perpetrated where the defendant, in committing a sexual assault, wounds, maims,
disfigures or endangers the life of the complainant.[14]
The new law entirely abolishes the marital rape exemption; it also
places firm restrictions on the use of sexual history evidence. As far as
corroboration is concerned, the judge is no longer permitted to issue the
corroboration warning, although he will still be able to comment on the
evidence.[15]
England
When the rape debate reached England in the early 1970s, it me with
a receptive and sympathetic response in many quarters. However, in England, two
trends were obvious, the lack of academic interest in and commitment to rape law
reform and the absence of anything resembling a cohesive and powerful women's
political lobby which might have taken up the issue, as well as the general
absence of women in the 'corridors' of power'.
Both the lack of strong academic support for rape law reform and the
absence of a powerful women's voice in its favour, may have contributed to the
negative approach to the matter manifested by the Criminal Law Revision
Committee (CLRC) in its final Report on Sexual Offences published in 1984.[16]
In its report the CLRC proposed that the law of rape should continue
to cover only penile penetration of the vagina. It was not prepared to recommend
abolition of the marital rape exemption, only that it should cease to operate
where the couple was living separately. On the issue of consent, the committee's
approach was similarly restrictive. It recommended that legislation be
introduced to ensure that threats other than of immediate force be precluded
from the scope of rape. Although it received representations from a considerable
number of women's organizations and groups, their views often appear to have
been rejected.[17]
What has been highlighted in the above experiences is that in the
American state of Michigan and Canada women played a major role in the
accomplishment of radical rape law reform. In countries as diverse as Australia,
Israel, Denmark and Sweden women have actively and successfully campaigned
against antiquated rape laws and retrogressive proposals for reform. In England,
by contrast, traditional women's organizations and those of the radical fringe,
have, for the most part, shown a marked disinclination to do battle for legal
change.
It is therefore very important for women and men to realize the gravity
of the crime of rape. At first, women need to realize that rape/ sexual abuse
vitally affects all women. The importance lies in victims of violence being able
to assert that they have faced violence, speaking about it rather than remaining
silent throughout life only to realize that the suppression has only made them
weaker and helpless.
Today, as a result of the women's movement, not only in India but in
many countries, governments have been compelled to look at the offence of rape
as one which violates the human rights of a woman on the ground that she is the
victim of violence. The main aim now, as emphasized by many, should be to get
mass support, enough so that the government, the judiciary and the police would
be forced into reforming their policies and procedures on public and private
violence as they relate to women.[18]
Australia:
In Australia, the Criminal Code Act, 1995, deals with the offence of
rape in the following manner:[19]
Unlawful sexual penetration:
Germany
Chapter Thirteen of the German Criminal Code[23] deals with “Crimes
against Sexual Self-determination”. It lays down as under:
Sexual Abuse of Wards[24]
Whoever commits sexual acts:
Whoever, under the prerequisites of subsection (1), numbers 1 to 3:
An attempt shall be punishable.
In cases under subsection (1), number 1 or subsection (2) in
conjunction with subsection (1), number 1, the court may dispense with
punishment pursuant to this provision, if, taking into consideration the conduct
of the ward, the wrongfulness of the act is slight
Sexual Abuse of Prisoners, Persons in the Custody of a Public Authority and
Persons in Institutions who are in Need of Assistance[25]
Sexual Abuse by Exploiting a Position in a Public Office[26]
Sexual Abuse by Exploiting a Counseling, Treatment or Care Relationship[27]
Sexual Abuse of Children[28]
An attempt shall be punishable; this shall not apply for acts under
subsection (3), number 3.
Serious Sexual Abuse of Children[29
Sexual Abuse of Children Resulting in Death[30]
If by the sexual abuse (Sections 176 and 176a) the perpetrator at least
recklessly causes the death of the child, then the punishment shall be
imprisonment for life or for not less than ten years.
Sexual Coercion: Rape[31]
Imprisonment for not less than three years shall be imposed, if the
perpetrator:
Imprisonment for not less than five years shall be imposed, if:
In less serious cases under subsection (1), imprisonment from six months to five years shall be imposed, in less serious cases under subsections (3) and (4), imprisonment from one year to ten years.
China:
Chapter IV of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China[35] deals with
‘Crimes of Infringing upon the Rights of the Person and the Democratic Rights of
Citizens’.
Article 236 of the Chapter lays down that:
Uganda
Many of the internally displaced women, as a result of the ongoing
conflict within Uganda and against the DRC, have experienced sexual violations.
In the Pabbo camp, approximately sixty percent of women were reported as having
experienced some sort of sexual violence.[36] There have also been a number of
accusations that young girls have been enslaved as wives for leaders of the
Lord’s Resistance Army.35 Due to the ongoing violence and danger, little has
been done yet to protect these women, although the ICC has issued a few
warrants, which will be examined again later in this thesis.
Kenya
While sexual violence has always been a problem in Kenya, following
the election violence of June, 2008, there was a 75 percent increase in the
incidents of sexual violence, an unimaginable increase. Not only has this
resulted in further acts of wide spreading violence, but it has also resulted in
a breakdown of the health services available for victims, which was already
inadequate.[37] The situation has recently been looked at by the ICC though, and
will be readdressed in this thesis as a result.
International Labour Organization
The International Labour Organization (ILO) has addressed sexual
harassment in a range of instruments and during discussions at tripartite
meetings. It has also conducted research and training on the issue, and provided
information and technical assistance to its constituents. Most recently, it has
been stressed that the elimination of sexual harassment and violence at the
workplace is a significant element in promoting decent work for women. [38]
Conventions
The Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No.
111), addresses discrimination in employment on a number of grounds, including
sex, and requires that ILO member States declare and pursue a national policy
designed to promote equality of opportunity and treatment with a view to
eliminating discrimination. Like CEDAW, it predates widespread awareness of the
issue of sexual harassment.
As a consequence, it has been necessary for the
Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations to
take the lead. In its 1996 Special Survey on Convention No. 111, the Committee
confirmed that it views sexual harassment as a form of sex discrimination
against women in employment which undermines equality, damages working
relationships and impairs productivity.[39]
The Committee defined sexual harassment as:
Any insult or inappropriate remark, joke, insinuation and comment on a person’s
dress, physique, age, family situation, etc; a condescending or paternalistic
attitude with sexual implications undermining dignity; any unwelcome invitation
or request, implicit or explicit, whether or not accompanied by threats; any
lascivious look or other gesture associated with sexuality; and any unnecessary
physical contact such as touching, caresses, pinching or assault.
This definition, therefore, covers the most frequently targeted
forms of sexual harassment, but is also rare in specifically extending to
condescending and paternalistic attitudes. The Committee stated that in order to
amount to sexual harassment, the behaviour must either “be justly perceived as a
condition of employment or precondition for employment or influence decisions
taken in this field” and/or “affect job performance”.
It added that sexual
harassment may also arise from “situations which are generally hostile to one
sex or the other”, thereby including instances of sex-based harassment in
addition to those involving sexual behaviour. Moreover, the Committee stated
that the elimination of sexual harassment should “be an integral part of a
legislative or other policy, independently of policies on discrimination on the
basis of sex”.[40]
The only international Convention which specifically prohibits
sexual harassment at work is the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989
(No. 169). It provides that governments shall do everything possible to prevent
any discrimination between workers belonging to the peoples to whom the
Convention applies[41] and other workers, including taking measures to ensure
that they enjoy protection from sexual harassment.[42]
The ILO has also enacted a number of non-binding instruments which
contain provisions on sexual harassment at work. The 1985 International Labour
Conference Resolution on equal opportunity and equal treatment for men and women
in employment stated that sexual harassment at the workplace is detrimental to
employees’ working conditions and to their employment and promotion
prospects.[43] It recommended that policies for the advancement of equality
include measures to combat and prevent it.
Six years later, the 1991
International Labour Conference Resolution concerning ILO action for women
workers returned to the issue, inviting the Governing Body to request that the
Office develop guidelines, training and information materials on issues of
specific and major importance to women workers, including sexual harassment in
the workplace. Most recently, in November 2003, the ILO’s Governing Body adopted
the Code of practice on workplace violence in services sectors and measures to
combat this phenomenon, a non-binding instrument which offers guidance in
addressing workplace violence in these sectors and which makes specific
reference to sexual harassment.[44]
A number of ILO Meetings of Experts have considered the issue of
sexual harassment. The 1989 Meeting of Experts on Special Protective Measures
for Women and Equality of Opportunity and Treatment, for instance, viewed
personal security, including sexual harassment, as a health and safety problem
which affected women more than men. The experts felt that special consideration
should be given to those occupations and sectors in which women predominate;
those in which there is special exposure to the risk of violence; and those in
which women have not traditionally been employed.
The 1990 Tripartite Symposium
on Equality of Opportunity and Treatment for Men and Women in Employment in
Industrialized Countries concluded that prevention is the best approach,
emphasized the importance of enterprise-level policies, and called for the
development of awareness campaigns, information sessions and educational programmes.[45] More recently, the 1997 Tripartite Meeting on Breaking through
the Class Ceiling: Women in Management concluded that the role of governments
and employers’ and workers’ organizations in promoting the advancement of women
included promoting policies on the prevention of sexual harassment.
At regional
level, a tripartite seminar devoted exclusively to sexual harassment was held in
Manila in 1993. The participants exchanged information and experience of
measures taken to combat harassment in their countries and discussed the range
of ways in which it could most effectively be countered.[46] Sexual harassment
was also discussed in October 2003 by the Meeting of Experts to Develop a Code
of Practice on Violence and Stress at Work in Services, which produced the Code
of practice on workplace violence in services sectors discussed above.
The ILO has conducted research on the dynamics of sexual harassment
at work and methods of addressing it. The 1992 edition of its Conditions of Work
Digest was devoted to sexual harassment. It reviewed legal measures and
enterprise policies across 23 industrialized countries, action taken by
international organizations, and measures recommended by governments, employers’
and workers’ organizations, and women’s groups. In 1999, it published an
annotated bibliography reviewing literature in this area. A number of other
publications have specifically examined sexual harassment, or included it as
part of more wide-ranging discussions.[47]
Workplace sexual harassment has been addressed at the regional and
international levels as both an aspect of gender discrimination and a form of
violence against women. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination Against Women has expressed the relationship between these two
approaches by identifying sexual harassment as a form of violence against women
and gender-based violence as a type of sex discrimination.
At the regional
level, the European Union, one of the first bodies to take the problem
seriously, has adopted binding legal measures on sexual harassment, while the
Organization of American States has addressed it in its Convention on Violence
Against Women. At the international level, workers’ organizations have called on
their affiliates to adopt measures and provided guidance on their content.
Various UN instruments call for its elimination, including the Platform for
Action adopted at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing
in 1995. Within the International Labour Organization, sexual harassment has
been the focal point of meetings, research, and advice and information issued to
its constituents. In recent years, its significance has been recognized by its
inclusion as an element of the ILO’s programme of promoting decent work
worldwide.
International legal and policy instruments and jurisprudence
Over time, the treaty bodies established to monitor implementation
of the international human rights treaties have increasingly taken up States
parties’ obligations to address violence against women. In its general
recommendation No. 19 (1992) on violence against women, the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women confirmed that “under general
international law and specific human rights covenants, States may … be
responsible for private acts if they fail to act with due diligence to prevent
violations of rights or to investigate and punish acts of violence, and for
providing compensation.”[48]
In relation to national legal frameworks, the
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women recommended that
States parties:
The Committee also requested that States parties include information
on legal measures that have been taken to overcome violence against women, and
the effectiveness of such measures, in their reports under the
Convention.[49] The Human Rights Committee has similarly requested that States
parties provide “information on national laws and practice with regard to
domestic and other types of violence against women, including rape” in their
reports under the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights.[50] Accordingly, it is now the practice of States parties to provide
relevant information on violence against women to the human rights treaty
bodies.
During their review of States parties’ reports, the treaty bodies
have expressed concern where the States parties’ legal systems lack specific
legislation or legislative provisions to criminalize violence against women
and/or retain discriminatory laws that increase women’s vulnerability to
violence. They have also expressed concern about problems with existing
legislation, including scope and coverage, and the lack of effective
implementation of such legislation. Furthermore, in countries where customary
law prevails alongside codified law, treaty bodies have been concerned about the
use of discriminatory customary law and practice, despite laws enacted to
protect women from violence.[51]
In light of these concerns, treaty bodies, and in particular the
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, have called upon
States parties to ensure that:
The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has
also addressed the obligation of States parties to enact, implement and monitor
legislation to address violence against women in its work under the Optional
Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
against Women.
In the case of A.T. v.Hungary,[52] the Committee found that the
lack of specific legislation to combat domestic violence and sexual harassment
constituted a violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, particularly
the right to security of person. In the cases of Sahide Goekce (deceased) v.
Austria,[53] and Fatma Yildirim (deceased) v. Austria,[54] the Committee
recommended that the State party “strengthen implementation and monitoring of
the Federal Act for the Protection against Violence within the Family and
related criminal law, by acting with due diligence to prevent and respond to
such violence against women and adequately providing for sanctions for the
failure to do so”.[55]
In its inquiry under article 8 of the Optional Protocol
into the abduction, rape and murder of women in and around Ciudad Juárez, State
of Chihuahua, Mexico, the Committee recommended that Mexico “sensitize all state
and municipal authorities to the need for violence against women to be regarded
as a violation of fundamental rights, in order to conduct a substantial revision
of laws from that standpoint”.[56]
Other international treaties
In addition to the international human rights treaties, other
international instruments create obligations for States parties to enact
legislation addressing violence against women. These instruments include the
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially
Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime (the Palermo Protocol), and the Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court (the Rome Statute).
The Palermo Protocol requires States parties to:
The Rome Statute provides the broadest statutory recognition of
gender-based violence as a crime under international criminal law to date. In
article 7(1)(g), the Rome Statute classifies “rape, sexual slavery, enforced
prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, or any other form of
sexual violence of comparable gravity” committed “as part of a widespread or
systematic attack directed against any civilian population” as crimes against
humanity.
These same offences are classified in article 8(2) (b) (xxii) as
serious violations of the laws and customs applicable to international armed
conflict and thereby classifiable as war crimes. Under the principle of
complementarily established by the Statute, States parties have primary
responsibility for bringing those responsible for genocide, crimes against
humanity and war crimes to justice. The preamble of the Rome Statute recalls
that “it is the duty of every State to exercise its criminal jurisdiction over
those responsible for international crimes”.
therefore been argued that
it is “essential for all states parties, as well as other states, to amend
existing legislation or enact new national legislation defining the crimes in
accordance with international law”.
End Notes:
[1] MacKinnon, C.A., The sexual harassment of working women, (1979),
pp.14-18
[2] Brownmiller S. Against our will: men, women and rape. New York,
NY, Fawcett Columbine, 1975. Satin AJ et al. Sexual assault in
pregnancy. Obstetrics and Gynecology, 1991, pp.710–14.
[3] Guberman, Connie and Margie Wolfe, No Safe Place –Violence Against
Women and Children, The Women's Press, Toronto. Canada (2015), pp.
198-199.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Schwartz, Martin D. and Walter S. Keseredy, Sexual Assault— The Role
of Male Peer Support, Sage Publications, California(2014), p.83.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Smith, J.C. and Brian Hogan, (2012), Criminal Law, 5th ed.,
Butterworth & Co. (Publishers) Ltd.. London ,pp. 212-213.
[8] Sokoloff, (2012). The Criminal Justice System and Women – Offenders,
Victims, Workers, Clark Boardman Company, Ltd., New York, p.17.
[9] For example, where the complainant alleges that the criminal sexual
conduct in question led to her pregnancy, the defence could adduce evidence to
show that the pregnancy was in fact caused by sexual activity with another on a
particular occasion.
[10] It has been highlighted that women have a very important place in the
institutional structure of Ottawa. A Status of Women Council was set up in
Canada. In 1976, after the Canadian Government's endorsement of the United
Nations' 'Decade for Women', Status of Women Canada was enlarged and became an
independent agency.
[11] This included the coming together of influential women's
organizations, including the National Action Committee on the Status of Women
(NAC), which is a very large umbrella organization.
[12] Clark and Lewis (1977), Historic Recipes from the Corps of Discovery &
Jefferson's America.
Berkeley: Celestial Arts ISBN 978-1-58761-17-6.
[13] Johannes Morsink, “Women’s rights in the Universal Declaration”, Human
Rights Quarterly, vol.
13, No. 2 (May 2013).
[14] Leilani Farha, “Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women”, in Social
Rights Jurisprudence: Emerging Trends in International and
Comparative Law, Malcolm Langford, ed. (Cambridge University Press,
2008), pp. 560–561.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Françoise Gaspard, “Unfinished battles: political and public life”,
in The Circle of Empowerment: Twenty-five Years of the UN Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Hanna Beate
Schöpp-Schilling and Cees Flinterman, eds. (New York, Feminist Press at the
City University of New York, 2007), pp. 145–153
[17] Ibid.
[18] D. Maine and A.E. Yamin, “Maternal mortality as a human rights
issue: measuring compliance with international treaty
obligations”, Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 21, No. 3 (August 1999), pp.19-20.
[19] Australia Criminal Code Act, 1995
[20] Ibid.
[21] Card, Richard (1992). Card, Cross and Jones: Criminal Law (12th
ed.). Butterworths,. pp. 1.2
[22] Ibid.
[23] Promulgated on 13 November 1998 (Federal Law Gazette I, p. 945)
p.3322 (Translated).
[24] Section 174 of German Criminal Code 1998
[25] Section 174a of of German Criminal Code 1998.
[26] Section 174b of German Criminal Code 1998
[27] Section 174c of German Criminal Code 1998.
[28] Section 176 of German Criminal Code 1998
[29] Section 176a: of German Criminal Code 1998
[30] Section 176b of German Criminal Code 1998
[31] Section 177 of German Criminal Code 1998
[32] Section 178 of German Criminal Code 1998.
[33] Section 179 of German Criminal Code 1998.
[34] Ibid
[35] Adopted by the Second Session of the Fifth National People's Congress
on July 1, 1979 and amended by the Fifth Session of the Eighth National People's
Congress on March 14, 1997.
[36] Akumu C. O., Suffering in Silence: A Study of Sexual and Gender Based
Violence (SGBV) in Pabbo Camp, (2005).9 -13.
[37] Kyle K., A Paradigm Shift in Prevention,(2008), 1-4
[38] The elimination of sexual harassment and violence was identified as a
priority gender issue in ILO: Decent work for women: An ILO proposal to
accelerate the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (Geneva, March
2000), paper presented at the Symposium on Decent Work for Women; Women 2000:
Gender equality, development and peace for the twenty-first century (New York,
5-9 June 2000).
[39] ILO: Equality in employment and occupation: Special survey on
equality in employment and occupation in respect of Convention No. 111 (Geneva,
1996).
[40] Ibid.
[41] Article 1 of the Convention provides that it applies to “(a) tribal
peoples in independent countries whose social, cultural and economic conditions
distinguish them from other sections of the national community, and whose status
is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by
special laws or regulations; (b) peoples in independent countries who are
regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations which
inhabited the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at
the time of conquest or colonisation of the establishment of present state
boundaries and who, irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of
their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions”.
[42] Article 20(3)(d).
[43] Official Bulletin (Geneva), Vol. LXVIII, Series A, No. 2, 85-95
(1985)
[44] ILO: Workplace violence in services sectors and measures to combat
this phenomenon, Geneva, 33-36 (2004).
[45] Ibid.
[46] ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific: Tripartite regional
seminar on combating sexual harassment at work, Manila, 22-26 November 1993:
Proceedings (Geneva, 1994).
[47] D. Chappell and V. Di Martino: Violence at work, Second edition
(Geneva, ILO, 2000); ILO: Sexual harassment at the workplace in
Nepal (Kathmandu, 2004); N. Haspels, Z.M. Kasim, C. Thomas and D. McCann: Action
against sexual harassment at work in Asia and the Pacific (Bangkok, ILO, 2001);
N. Kapur: “Sexual harassment at the workplace: A guide to sexual harassment law
in India”, in A. Kapur (ed.): Women workers’ rights in India: Issues and
strategies — A defence guide (New Delhi, ILO, 1999), p. 119; A. Reinhart: Sexual
harassment: Addressing sexual harassment in the workplace — A management
information booklet (Geneva, ILO, 1999); K.A. Rogers and D. Chappell: Preventing
and responding to violence at work (Geneva, ILO, 2003).
[48] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, general
recommendation No. 19 (1992) on violence against women, para. 9.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Human Rights Committee general comment No. 28 (2000) on article 3
(equality of rights between women and men).
[51] Ibid.
[52] A.T. v. Hungary, communication No. 2/2003.
[53] Sahide Goekce (deceased) v. Austria.
[54] Fatma Yildirim (deceased) v. Austria.
[55] Sahide Goekce (deceased) v. Austria, supra note 8, para. 12.3(a)
and Fatma Yildirim (deceased) v. Austria.
[56] Report on Mexico produced by the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women under article 8 of the Optional Protocol to the
Convention, and reply from the Government of Mexico.
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